A recent deal between Pedro Sánchez’s socialist party and the pro-Catalan independence Junts party has re-ignited a passionate debate over the status of Catalonia’s right to independence. Parties Esquerra Republicana and Junts Per Catalunya gave their vote to Pedro Sanchez for re-election in exchange for the adoption of the amnesty bill.
By Alice Kazakov and Leonidas Kaps
Members of the independence movement see the deal as necessary to re-ignite the flame of political will and inspire demonstrations needed to call for self-determination. The agreement will pardon separatist leaders and individuals, such as currently exiled Carles Puigdemont, giving the movement its biggest advocates back.
Others, like political journalists and people who identify themselves as being “more realistic,” say the amnesty deal was yet just another political tactic to feign good relations between Spain and Catalonia.
An Unusual Exchange
The amnesty deal presents as a simple exchange between parties. Pedro Sánchez will be repositioned in the Spanish government, while those that were charged and then prosecuted for the 1 October referendum in 2017 will be granted pardon. The mass pardoning will cancel trials, revoke sentences, and allow influential figures like Puigdemont to return from exile.
In exchange, Junts per Catalunya and Esquerra Republicana voted in the Spanish Congress with a total of 14 votes, 7 votes each, to secure another term in office for Sánchez. In the first elections on July 19, 2023, the conservative People’s Party gained the most votes but was unable to secure an absolute majority. Sánchez’s Spanish Socialist Workers’ Party became the second-strongest party. Following the deal with the Catalonian pro-independence parties, Sánchez was able to win the election on November 16, 2023. Aleix Martí Danés, a political communication professor at Universitat Pompeu Fabra, sees the deal as an advantage for both sides.
“It gives calm and quiet to the politics. It gives stability to the Spanish government and is a barrier for the radical right,” he said. “For Catalonia and Spain, it’s a good scenario. If this will conduce to the independence of Catalonia, I have my doubts.
Though it seems like a beneficial deal for both parties, there were mass protests in large cities like Madrid. There, the consensus is that Catalonia does not need to be separate from Spain, and this deal will inspire pro-independence parties to keep negotiating and fighting for self-determination.
On the other hand, political figures and organizations in Catalonia argue that it will take something much bigger than this deal to make significant change. Others raise a bigger question over how issues such as these can be solved democratically, if even at all.
History of the Region
Catalonia has a strong sense of identity and culture in line with its history. The region has historically had its own language, Catalan, which is closely related to Spanish but has its own unique grammar and vocabulary accredited to the native Catalans. The region’s position on the Mediterranean coast influences its culture heavily, and Catalans argue that Catalonia is too different of a region to be grouped in with Spain.
Walking through Barcelona and the greater region of Catalonia, people are faced with Catalonian flags adorning every other balcony and greeted by shopkeepers speaking in Catalan, hoping to preserve their culture in a city bustling with tourists.
From 1936 to 1975, Spain was under the dictatorship of General Francisco Franco, who was a strong supporter of Catholicism and nationalism and used his ideologies to consolidate his power. Individuals were not allowed to participate in politics or voice their thoughts, while many politically affiliated movements were forbidden.
Minorities and especially Catalans, faced discrimination and persecution. Many suffered political-related imprisonment or even death penalties. Catalan language and culture were forbidden as Spanish was established as the national and sole language.
After the Spanish government approved a new autonomy legislation in 1979, Catalonia was granted more rights over its own regional sovereignty and affairs. Many Catalans, however, feel that the new regulations and system fall short of what is necessary. This can be seen in data from a Pew Research Center study taken in 2017 just months after the referendum, highlighting that 91% of Catalonians who participated distrust the Spanish government to do what is right for the country.
The inadequate governmental system, along with the dismissal of a culture in a region that has a strong connection with its history, is the very platform that the independence movement sits on.
Dolors Feliu, president of the pro-independence organization Assemblea Nacional Catalana, explained that it is hard to group Catalans and Spaniards into one country when most Catalonians do not even follow Castilian, or the Spanish national language.
President Dolors Feliu stands in her office next to artwork from previous demonstrations. Credit: Leonidas Kaps
“We are people coming from the sea for many centuries. And we have another culture, another language,” she says. She described how Catalonia will always, as in history, face repression from the Spanish government unless they fully leave Spain.
“Catalonia is a different country. There is no recognition about us, about our decisions, about our language, about nothing. We think that we need to make our own decisions, our own parliament independence.”
Possible Start to Something New
Organizations like ANC have long been demonstrating and calling for talks to negotiate independence and sovereignty. Though a consistent and long-standing movement, there have not been any significant changes in Catalonia’s right to autonomy in the past couple years after the 2017 referendum was deemed illegal.
Now there is a real chance for change, as explained by Feliu, but the terms and language in the deal still do not address the critical idea that pro-independence groups are looking for as they try to gain mass attention to their movement.
“This negotiation is positive for the amnesty and for [our] repression, but there is no hope in this negotiation about the self-determination right,” she said. “[…] and that’s no good for the future, for our project to achieve the independence.”
Vicente Partal, director of pro-independence news outlet Vilaweb, shared how the amnesty will not only improve Catalonia’s relationship with the central government but also give parties like Junts per Catalunya and Esquerra Republicana leverage in decision-making and political processes.
If Sanchez’s socialist party does not meet their promises for amnesty in a timely manner, Junts party will have the authority to rewrite or negotiate more deals, as explained by Partal, who listened to a speech given by Carles Puigdemont in Brussels on 29 November.
“I think what is clear is that something extraordinary is happening related to the solution of the political problem between Catalonia and Spain,” Partal said. “[….] something extraordinary that we cannot talk about in a normal process.”
Organizations like ANC believe that the political ties between the different parties and governments will allow Catalonia and Spain to hold a close and collaborative relationship, even if Catalonia were to separate.
Others, like Professor Aleix Martí Danés, believe that although it is a nice goal, it is simply not realistic.
“It would be impossible [to keep good relations]. In the past, there have been some campaigns to boycott Catalan products,” Danés said. “[The deal] gives stability to the Spanish government and is a barrier for the radical right to assume majority and power. If this will conduce the independence of Catalonia, I have my doubts, but maybe it’s a start. It’s a good start.”
Political Burnout and Uncertainty
Although there is a level of optimism about this deal, some Catalans interested in politics are worried that the independence movement is not a priority anymore for this deal to mean anything significant.
Carles Singla Casella is one of these realists, or so he calls himself. Casella is a political and corporate communication professor at Universitat Pompeu Fabra Barcelona and focuses on how political problems are perceived and communicated in Catalonia. He explained how the idea of independence is losing traction.
Carles Singla Casella stands in front of Universitat Pompeu Fabra library which was repurposed from an old factory building. Credit: Leonidas Kaps
“Well, in 2017, lots of people thought it was possible to make a referendum, to win the referendum, and to separate from Spain. That for a short period of time looked like a real possibility,” he said. “What happened later showed that this is not a real possibility.”
“There are people who still think we should be an independent country. But even then, if they sit down and think a little bit, they know that it’s not going to happen in a foreseeable time. I think now the independence is not a priority issue for the people in Catalonia.”
People are slowly giving up, he explained. The momentum to hold demonstrations is passing, and there are no grand changes coming in the foreseeable future to fight for.
Aside from the feeling of political burnout, the chance of prosecution creates a barrier for some to use their voice. Casella explains that Catalans were sent multiple warnings in the form of prosecution.
“The warning is if you demonstrate at the airport, you will be prosecuted as a terrorist. The warning is that if you try to set up a referendum, [Spain] will send you police with sticks. You cannot vote,” he said. “Getting people into prison or having people into exile for demonstrating, that’s a warning.”
When asked if they would vote in a hypothetical referendum, students responded that they would only participate if they knew they would be protected.
Marta Minguez, a communications student at the aforementioned UPF, said, “If it’s legal and the vast majority of people go vote, then yes, but my vote would be no.” Minguez’s mother lives in Madrid. A separation would put the pair in different countries, potentially making it harder to see each other.
Political science student Laura Córdova explained, “If there’s a majority of people that want to separate from Spain and the European Union, I’m all for it because it’s democratic. I’m 90% sure though it wouldn’t happen, because it’s not as easy as just voting.”
The consequences that came from the 2017 referendum were a big shock for demonstrators and created greater tension between the different governments. It became harder for pro-independence organizations to motivate the greater public to use their voice and demonstrate as people feared retaliation from Spain.
Vilaweb journalist Partal added to this, saying,
“They built an atmosphere where the pro-Spanish people don’t want to debate. They possibly have reasons that are serious reasons against the separation of Catalonia, but they are losing the credibility because their only way to answer is violence. And if the only way to answer a question is with violence, then that means that you are not sure about your reasons.”
The students are just two examples of the future generation being conflicted about how to handle this issue. They, along with their university peers, coworkers, and family members, have been left disappointed by the central and Catalonian government with their promises for change.
One specific example is the railroad and transit system around Barcelona. Madrid uses the same system, but it has been developed exponentially over the past years to accommodate the influx of new citizens and tourists. Barcelona, and more specifically, Catalonia, has been left disappointed in how little their transit issues are prioritized.
The transit system is just one of the many things the Catalonian government wants full ownership of. The problem, however, is that it has been an issue in negotiations for years.
“These deals are the same deals since the beginning of the democracy in Spain. Since 1980, we are in the same framework,” ANC president Feliu explained while talking about new negotiations that can spark from the amnesty deal.
“We are so disappointed in these issues, and we have no trust in these deals because it’s always the same. It’s just the same thing at the beginning. Already in 2010, [the central government] proposed a deal about the same terms, about economy and transport, and about Catalan language. There’s always the same thing on the table.”
An Unknown Future
How, if at all, will this amnesty deal affect future negotiations between Spain and Catalonia? How can pro-independence organizations and political parties gain momentum for a movement many have given up on?
Núria Falcó, international coordinator at Assemblea Nacional Catalana, spoke on behalf of pro-independence organizations and how they view the situation. “I feel like people are very unmotivated because it’s been a really long time that people have been fighting a lot,” she said. “That, of course, takes a toll on people; it’s overwhelming.
“The thing now is just to create hope again and to make a project that’s realistic and relatable, because those who were for independence five years ago, they have not changed their political ideas,” she said. Even with hope for a possible independence, she does not have any ideas as to what the future may bring.
Journalist Partal, however, argues there is a bigger question to be asked than what Catalonia’s future may look like, relating it to other current world events.
“What is interesting is that this Catalan question is important as a world debate […] on how to change borders without violence, and there is some, especially American lawyers and jurists, that are starting to talk about this. The problems we have in the world today we have because we do not have a methodology to change borders in a democratic way.”