December 2023 – Crossroads

12. December 2023Oskar Hammer Sylvestersen

‘Foreign agent,’ defamation laws: Concerns over democratic life in Bosnia and Herzegovina

As defamation is re-criminalized in Bosnia and Herzegovina’s Republika Srpska entity and a controversial “foreign agent” law awaits final approval, activists and watchdogs say they’re feeling the pressure. The EU, UN and Organization for Security and Co-operation in Europe have all called on authorities to halt the legislation – so far to no success. Activists, meanwhile, are bracing themselves, fearing fresh crackdowns around the corner.

By Cecilie Bjerre Hemmingsen, Oskar Hammer Sylvestersen and Jack Wilson

It’s not like UNSA Geto hasn’t been threatened before. One of few LGBT-friendly spaces in Bosnia and Herzegovina’s Republika Srpska entity, the art gallery and event venue faced homophobic attacks earlier this year.

“If you are an artist, your first exhibition is probably going to be here,” said human rights activist Vesna Malešević, a member of the UNSA Geto NGO.

More than just facilitating art exhibitions and events, Malešević calls UNSA Geto an activist organisation, aiming for the democratisation of society through art and culture.

In March, a group of about 30 young people attacked the NGO’s building after authorities in the largely autonomous region of over a million people made several comments disparaging plans to host a pro-LGBT event. The “hooligans,” as Malešević called them, smashed windows and destroyed the gallery’s sign. Malešević said she and her colleagues filed a police report but didn’t hear back from authorities.

This attack was the first physical attack UNSA Geto has experienced, Malešević said. But now, she’s focused on a different type of attack – a proposed law she fears will target her organisation’s activities. If passed, the law will label non-profit organisations receiving international funding as “foreign agents,” risking their credibility. It will also prevent them from engaging in political activities. What exactly constitutes a political activity is not yet clear to activists like Malešević.

The “foreign agent” draft law was one of two in the Republika Srpska to draw widespread condemnation this year. The other, which passed this July, criminalised defamation, reversing its decriminalisation two decades earlier. The European Union has characterised both laws as examples of “democratic backsliding” – a serious charge given Bosnia and Herzegovina’s status as a candidate for EU membership.

While organisations including the EU, UN and the Organization for Security and Co-operation in Europe (OSCE) have joined in calls for the controversial laws to be withdrawn, local activists and journalists — key players in a functioning democracy — say they don’t yet know how the laws will impact them. With confusion around the definition of a political activity, activists and journalists who receive international funding are questioning whether their work might soon become illegal.

Republika Srpska and the Bosnian War
The largely autonomous Republika Srpska is an enduring legacy of the Bosnian War, which saw fighting between Bosnia and Herzegovina’s three main ethnic groups: Bosniaks, Serbs and Croats. Following the secession of Slovenia, Croatia and Macedonia (now North Macedonia) from Yugoslavia, Bosnia and Herzegovina declared its independence on 3 March 1992 after a referendum. In response to the declaration, Serbian forces invaded the newly declared country. A bloody war and genocide ensued, which saw 100,000 deaths, 80,000 of which were Bosniaks.
The war ended in December 1995 after US-led NATO forces intervened. Peace negotiations resulted in the Dayton Accords, which created the constitutional framework of the modern state of Bosnia and Herzegovina. It divided the country into two entities: the Federation of Bosnia and Herzegovina and the Serb-dominated Republika Srpska. Though comprising one sovereign state, both entities maintain a high level of autonomy.

Controversial legislation

On 31 October 2022, Republika Srpska President Milorad Dodik posted a thread on X (then Twitter) calling for the reintroduction of the crime of defamation into the criminal code. By March 2023, the entity’s National Assembly had introduced a draft law, which passed 20 July and came into force 26 August. In a joint statement published that very day, the EU, UN, Council of Europe and OSCE expressed “dismay” at the law, saying it threatened the work of “journalists, human rights defenders and other civil society actors.”

Though criminal defamation exists around the world, including in many western countries, such laws are typically “very rarely used,” said Igor Ličina, OSCE Bosnia and Herzegovina Program Officer for Fundamental Freedoms. The OSCE, made up of 57 participating states, mostly in Europe, has a mandate to track human rights developments in Bosnia and Herzegovina.

Igor Ličina, National programme officer, fundamental freedoms – human dimension/human rights, OSCE. Image: Oskar Hammer Sylvestersen

“All international standards speak in favour of decriminalising insult and defamation,” Ličina said. In the months since the law’s passage, Ličina said authorities have registered 27 criminal defamation cases. Since the cases have yet to reach trial, their contents are unknown, he said. Still, Ličina said the OSCE suspects some of them will target human rights defenders and journalists.

Drawing similar ire from groups like the EU and OSCE is the “foreign agent” draft law, which passed 28 September. The law requires final approval in the Republika Srpska National Assembly before taking effect. It would brand nonprofits receiving international funding as “foreign agents.” The nonprofits would be banned from engaging in “political action” or “political activities,” according to a legal opinion drafted by the OSCE alongside the European Commission for Democracy Through Law.

Dragana Dardic, Executive director, Helsinki Citizens’ Assembly Banja Luka. Image: Oskar Hammer Sylvestersen

Though the law exempts certain activities from the ban, including the protection of national minorities and the fight against corruption, the opinion points out that human rights and rule of law advocacy are both missing from that list. Human rights and rule of law campaigning risk being classified as “political activities” and therefore subject to restrictions, the opinion warns.

The law threatens activities that “we are doing all the time,” said Dragana Dardić, who heads the Helsinki Citizens’ Assembly chapter in Banja Luka, the Republika Srpska’s largest city. From 1997, the Helsinki Citizens’ Assembly lobbied for the recognition of domestic violence in the Republika Srpska’s criminal code. Lawmakers made that change in 2000. Under the proposed law, such advocacy “would be forbidden,” Dardić said.

“Who will want to work for organisations that are officially labelled as agents of foreign influence?”

The Helsinki Citizens’ Assembly established itself in Bosnia and Herzegovina in 1996, following the Bosnian war. At the time, the organisation aimed to reassemble Bosnia and Herzegovina’s divided population.

Nowadays, “our aim is to encourage different marginalised groups in society, particularly women, but also youth and persons with disabilities, to be more active in political and public life,” Dardić said. She said the NGO aims to protect and affirm human rights.

The organisation receives its funding from foreign donors, including the EU, UN agencies and the Dutch government. It receives no local funds, though Dardić said her organisation has applied unsuccessfully for government funding. Reliance on foreign donors is common for many NGOs in Bosnia and Herzegovina, which Dardić suggested shows the very purpose of the “foreign agent” law is to limit the work of activists like herself.

Unable to find funding locally, Dardić said the Helsinki Citizens’ Assembly will find its activities restricted simply because it receives funds from the only donors willing to give – international donors.

With activities already threatened by the criminalisation of defamation and with the possibility of further restrictions on the horizon, “the circle will really be closed… we will not have space anymore to work,” she said.

Dardić said she also fears the restrictions spreading to the rest of the country, also affecting activists and journalists outside of the Republika Srpska. Ivana Korajlić, Executive Director at Transparency International in Bosnia and Herzegovina, said she shared that concern.

Transparency International considers itself a watchdog against corruption and human rights violations. Such work is already difficult in Bosnia and Herzegovina, Korajlić said, but will only become more difficult as the new laws enter into force.

If NGOs like her own are listed as foreign agents, she expects difficulties when hiring employees. “Who will want to work for organisations that are officially labelled as agents of foreign influence?”

New restrictions could hinder day-to-day operations, blocking some activities altogether and slowing down others. “You cannot perform specific activities. You have to submit various reports to the government, which require a lot of resources,” Korajlić said.

“You can have unannounced inspections in your offices that can further hinder your work.”

Smaller organisations will have a harder time, Korajlić said, as they might not have the resources to comply with administrative checkups and reports.

Malešević said she already finds space for her work limited, with the government often accusing pro-LGBT organisations of undermining traditional values. Once located in the city centre, in a space provided by the municipality, UNSA Geto relocated a decade ago after the municipality accused them of being too loud.

Malešević called her organisation a “little hub for everybody who wants to do something on the social or artistic level.”

Its most recent exhibit featured the work of Obrad Cešić, a Serbian artist out of Belgrade. Called “Pleasant work,” it “represents the victims of the historical development that led to marginalisation of the workers,” she said. The exhibit consists of mannequins strewn on the ground, covered in rubble. Their heads are covered by white cloth and they wear workers’ gloves.

“Pleasant workers” by Obrad Cešić was exhibited from November 20th until November 30th 2023 Image: Oskar Hammer Sylvestersen

Like other activists, Malešević said she was unsure how the “foreign agent” law will affect the NGO’s work. “We don’t know what is going to happen,” she said.

As working conditions for activists threaten to worsen, Korajlić said she feels pessimistic about the future for activists like herself. Still, she emphasised that she would keep fighting for change.

“When you get into this, you cannot just give up, despite being very pessimistic. You still feel the need to do something.”

Journalists under pressure

As the criminalization of defamation and “foreign agent” draft law draw concern from activists, journalists, too, say they’re under pressure. Even if never criminally charged with defamation or labelled a foreign agent, journalists “feel a lot more threatened. They feel a lot more insecure,” said Denis Džidić, Executive Director and Editor of the Balkan Investigative Reporting Network in Bosnia and Herzegovina.

The Balkan Investigative Reporting Network publishes investigations out of all former Yugoslav countries, employing about 15 journalists in Bosnia and Herzegovina, including several in the Republika Srpska. Its reporting has documented the post-war justice process, caught government agencies illegally spending millions of euros on high end limousines and revealed widespread election irregularities.

Denis Dzidic Balkan Investigative Reporting Network (BIRN), BIRN BiH Executive Director and Editor. Image: Oskar Hammer Sylvestersen

Though funded entirely by donors outside of the country, the “foreign agent” law won’t impact the NGO’s status, because it’s registered at the state level. Still, Džidić suggested similar laws might appear in other jurisdictions. “It’s most certainly a worrying trend and it could be replicated,” he said.

If the law comes into place, Džidić said nonprofit news outlets registered in the Republika Srpska could work around the law by re-registering in other jurisdictions. But some might interpret such a move as evidence that the outlets are foreign agents, he said. Such impressions are “very difficult to fight against. I think [Republika Srpska politicians] win in a lot of ways the moment they adopt these laws,” Džidić said.

‘It’s really, really hard to see any future for Bosnia’

In another country, Téa Kjajić might be considered a future leader. The 22-year-old activist, who studies at the University of Banja Luka, is the Western Balkan regional coordinator for Students for Liberty, a network of libertarian student organisations. She writes opinion pieces and organises political events.

But with the structure of the political system in Bosnia and Herzegovina and the recent developments in the Republika Srpska, Kjajić said she’s concerned about consequences if she organises events at her university. She fears different treatment from professors and developing a bad reputation. The “foreign agent” law isn’t helping, she said, because it gives the impression that activists like herself are foreign agents.

“In my university, many people support the system that we live in, so it’s really hard to make changes when the students support it,” said Kjajić.

In general, she said she finds it difficult to even get permission from the university to engage politically. Her colleagues abroad “usually don’t face those problems,” she said.

In a few years, Kjajić hopes to settle outside of Bosnia and Herzegovina. Amidst what she considers an erosion of freedoms, she said she doesn’t have hope for improvements in the near future.

“We are lacking people and activists,” said Nela Porobić Isaković, an activist living outside of Sarajevo, the country’s capital. Porobić holds a leadership role in the Women’s International League for Peace and Freedom, an international feminist organisation, but also organises local campaigns and actions. Activists are leaving Bosnia and Herzegovina as part of a larger trend of emigration, “because it’s really, really hard to see any future for Bosnia,” she said.

While many leave for economic reasons, others tell her they “cannot deal with this country anymore,” she said. “We have a lack of doctors, lack of paediatricians. My kids go to school and there’s a noticeable lack of personnel.” Indeed, the population has decreased every year since 2002 – from 4.2 million then, to 3.2 million in 2022, according to World Bank data.

For activists, “some of the things that we know need to be done cannot be done because we don’t have people to do it,” Porobić said. For example, she said she’d like to research a trend of police forces buying military-grade weapons. “There’s no time. There are no resources to do it,” Porobić said.

The European Union

Bosnia and Herzegovina became an official candidate country for EU membership in December 2022, but the European Union has long supported the country both financially and administratively.

Many activists and NGOs in Bosnia and Herzegovina see the EU as a force for good in the country and see membership as the end goal.

Ferdinand Koenig, Head of Communications/Spokesperson Delegation of the European Union to BiH & European Union Special Representative in BiH. Image: Oskar Hammer Sylvestersen

“I think that Bosnia’s path is the European Union and we should be there. I hope that one day we will be there. It’s a long path, but I think that the European Union has a positive impact and positive change,” Malešević said.

But Porobić said the EU lacks the moral authority to improve things in Bosnia and Herzegovina. “I think the moral high ground the European Union could take at some point is disappearing, because we do see some very, very worrying trends within the European Union.” Porobić pointed to the EU’s response to Israel’s war in Gaza and its policies on migration as examples of her concerns.

Porobić made that stance clear when EU Commission President Ursula von der Leyen visited Sarajevo in the beginning of November, holding a sign accusing the European Union of “aiding and abetting genocide” in Gaza.

In some EU countries, authorities have cracked down on activists for protesting against Israel, Porobić said. In Germany, for example, police have arrested demonstrators for participating in pro-Palestine rallies. In Sarajevo, “we’re able to organise; we’re able to stand on the streets, to say genocide, to say apartheid in the same sentence as Israel,” she said. While activists in Bosnia and Herzegovina face restrictions on all sorts of expression, when it comes to criticism of Israel, Porobić said local activists enjoy more freedom than many in the EU.

Asked about the possibility of Bosnia and Herzegovina joining the EU, Kljajić’s response is short: “I wish that would happen.”

But if Bosnia and Herzegovina is to join the European Union, it will have to live up to 14 key priorities outlined by the EU Commission. These priorities include securing a functional democracy, the rule of law, fundamental rights and public administration reforms. EU representatives see the “foreign agent” law in the Republika Srpska as a move in the wrong direction.

“This law places unnecessary restrictions on the work of civil society and it is the kind of law that is more familiar in autocracies than in democracies who wish to join the European Union,” said Ferdinand Koenig, EU spokesperson for Bosnia and Herzegovina. “Our concern about this particular piece of legislation is that it is an attempt to control discourse in Republika Srpska.”

Koenig called the re-criminalisation of defamation a step backwards for Bosnia and Herzegovina, saying that criminal defamation in general is considered an outdated concept.

“But more than that, we have serious concerns about the rule of law in this country, the independence of the judiciary and how this particular piece of legislation will be used.”

“We understand that there needs to be some sort of legislation which regulates hate speech, which regulates issues of defamation and slander. But the question here is, as far as we can tell, that there is a real danger of misuse of this particular piece of legislation, and that’s where our concerns come from.”

With multiple NGOs concerned that the “foreign agent” law will impede their work, Koenig assured that the EU will offer its support. “We will continue, as the EU, to stand by civil society in this country whatever happens with this law,” he said.

The EU previously withheld funds allocated to the Republika Srpska after its government stopped recognising constitutional court rulings. The frozen funds for infrastructure projects amounted to €600 million. But despite condemnations, Koenig couldn’t say whether the EU would impose similar consequences on the Republika Srpska should the “foreign agent” draft law pass.

“We have underlined our expectation. It’s in the hands of Republika Srpska to act. We will see what happens next.”

‘Fear is not an option for us’

After UNSA Geto was attacked this May, Malešević and her colleagues began work to restore the space. They reopened the gallery, which continues to hold exhibitions and host events. “Fear is not an option for us,” she said.

Should the “foreign agent” draft law pass, Malešević vowed that UNSA Geto would continue its work. “This is one obstacle on our way to democratisation of society,” she said.

“We will work. We will be in illegal work if we need to,” Malešević said. “We’re not going to stop now.”

12. December 2023Hannah S.

Concerns for Sweden’s youth rise as organised crime rates increase

As organised crime in Sweden has become a part of everyday life the prison system faces challenges. More concerning, younger kids have been an increasingly popular targets for gang recruitment because of the unique advantages their age holds.

Peter Svensson, of the Brotherhood Wolfpack gang and current co-founder of Initium Skyddat Boende, discusses his experience with criminal networks. Photo credit: Hannah Straily

By Natalie Rocha and Hannah Straily

Sweden used to be one of the safest countries in the world according to the European crime index up until 2015, but new data from the police of shootings and explosions everyday shows it has rapidly become recognised for its organised crime.

According to a recent Swedish police report, as of November 30 there were 346 shootings in 2023, 50 resulting in fatality and 143 explosion attempts or successes. The detonations most often occur in the metropolitan regions of Stockholm, south and west, where most criminal networks are located.

A relevant concern for Sweden is the ongoing recruitment of minors.

“Children aged 12–15 are recruited into criminal networks by other young people who are often 15–20 years old,” according to a report from the Crime Prevention Council, Brå.

Snow covered playground located in Husby, neighbourhood north of Stockholm. Photo credit: Natalie Rocha

Now more than ever, Sweden’s legal system means children and teenagers are being targeted to join gangs and commit crimes through organised networks.

Ahmed Abdigadir, a journalist for a daily newspaper based out of Stockholm called Svenska Dagblade, specialises in reporting on organised crime in Sweden said that is exactly why young people are getting recruited and are susceptible to joining.

The overall rise in crime has been a topic in local papers daily, even multiple times a day on occasion.

“The reputation, I don’t care. I don’t care if it’s bad, if we get bad press. So, what, people are dying, that’s more important, in my opinion,” said Abdigadir.

Abdigadir said there seems to be a trend of middle-class people actively pursuing a career in criminal gangs, but before it was people from segregated areas.

“People like me, you know, from Somalia, from Kurdistan, from Iran, you know, foreign-born people,” said Abdigadir.

Abdigadir, a Stockholm native grew up in the metropolitan neighbourhood called Husby.

Stockholm’s danger zone

Husby is one third of Järva, an area outside central Stockholm. Järva is made up of three northern neighbourhoods including Rinkeby and Tensta. Järva has a reputation for being the most dangerous area in Stockholm.

Map of Järva

Järva is known for its high-risk crime rates and as a rural outskirt is home to many migrant families but racial disparity does not seem to be the biggest factor of gang activity for community leaders.

Tomas Almgren, a project manager for Fryshuset, an organisation across Sweden that provides activities and schooling for youth said, “our view is not that it’s ethnic, it is not an ethnic thing that people from Africa and the Arab world are more criminal than Swedish. It’s all due to the lack of money.”

But in a press release by the Swedish police on November 21 said, “this is a problem that exists in all social classes. Recruitment is very fast – once you have agreed to an assignment, it can be very difficult to withdraw.” Sometimes young gang members are abandoned by their recruiter leaving them lost.

*Järva neighbourhoods from left to right:* *Rinkeby entrance to centre plaza, Tensta centre, outside of the Fryshuset located in Husby. Photo credit: Natalie Rocha and Hannah Straily*

Peter Svensson 45, an ex-gang member of the Brotherhood Wolfpack, did not officially get recruited until he was 20 but he did start networking in organised crime at age 12.

Svensson stole a bike and sold it to two men who praised his skills. He offered to be back at the same time the next day with two more bikes.

For Svensson, the money was not what enticed him, but rather the recognition and affirmation he got was his motivator to engage in criminal activity. He worked closely with a network of criminals until he officially joined the gang in 1998.

“That’s why you use younger [people], for bigger [crimes].” “If you’re 13 and get caught carrying a gun, the penalty is much less than if you’re 30. The same with drugs,” Almgren said.

But youth in gangs has evolved, it is not just narcotics and putting a hit on someone. Children get online and commit fraud through social media apps and SMS. Elderly people have especially been the target of this kind of fraud.

“Criminal people are looking on Snapchat for young kids to take a large sum of money, so that they can commit fraud against elderly people,” said Abdigadir.

“We don’t do enough”

Fryshuset is one of Sweden’s largest organisations that helps young people. The Stockholm location operates as a school where youth can explore different interests and hobbies during the daytime. Then later in the afternoon the house changes and anyone involved in dance, music, basketball or skating comes in.

Entrance to Fryshuset at the southern Stockholm location. Photo credit: Natalie Rocha

Programs and organisations such as this cannot guarantee that kids stay away from criminal paths, though they can help redirect some.

“So, you try to get to young people by doing positive things, because young people don’t want to look upon themselves as a problem,” said Almgren.

The Swedish Police website has a section where parents can read about warning signs to look for to prevent their kids from being exploited by criminal gangs.

Gunnar Appelgren has worked for the National Police Department in Stockholm and the Uppsala area for 39 years. These past 25 years he has held the position of detective superintendent.

“We don’t do enough of course. It’s like this now, we have done too little to prevent the kids from getting into the criminal gangs,” said Appelgren.

Stockholm police station entrance. Photo credit: Hannah Straily

Overcrowded and underfunded

Minors from age 15 to 18 serve half their sentence and most times are let off with a warning. That is the appeal for recruiters, to involve young people who seek the short-term benefits of committing crimes such as money, clothes and notoriety in their community. Serving a fraction of a sentence is worth it to these kids. Cases where kids under the age of 15 are committing crimes are dealt with by the social department.

Prisons in Sweden work around rehabilitation programs, offering a school-like structure where inmates learn practical life skills and occupation related courses can be taken.

Sweden is now experiencing overcrowding in prisons which has escalated to the degree that inmates must share rooms, which is not normal. Typically, a room is only occupied by one person. According to the World Prison Brief the population of Swedish prisons increased by nearly two thousand from 2017 to 2020.

“[The] police are getting better. I mean, they’ve caught a lot of people,” said Almgren about the reasoning behind this.

Tomas Almgren outside of the southern Stockholm Fryshuset location. Photo credit: Natalie Rocha

The prisons are divided up depending on the type of crime committed. There are prisons for crimes such as domestic, child and drug abuse and prisons that house offenders of gang related crimes such as armed robbery, disbursement of narcotics and murder.

Malou Wikström worked at these types of prisons over the course of three years. In 2017 she worked at a maximum prison for those charged with crimes of a sexual nature for six months. Then she worked as a guard on the street for around a year before working for the solitary wing at another maximum prison with inmates charged for gang related crimes.

Inmates have become unhappy with the overcrowding to the point where several years ago two of Wikströms old colleagues were taken hostage by prisoners. Even though they were in jail, they still cared about the quality of life in their current situation.

“Imagine having two people who are capable of great violence locked up in a very small room together for twelve hours every night with the same person. If they don’t click, you can have a prison murder,” said Wikström. “So far, we haven’t had that many that I’ve heard off. But I think it’s a matter of time.”

On top of the overcrowding, prison systems are also underfunded.

“We are catching criminals much more now and they go to jail, and at the same time they don’t have this money for the correction authority… So, they have not had the possibility to develop their work,” said Appelgren.

According to a study published early in 2023 by Swedish researchers Xiang Zhao, Per-Åke Nylander and Anders Bruhn, these types of aggressive behaviour can have a negative impact on prison officers. This is especially the case in understaffed prisons.

“I think I’ve learned more about people, and the sad truth of how hard it is for people to get out of gangs,” said Wikström when talking about one of the biggest things she learned from working at a prison.

The reality of leaving a gang

An inmate that Wikström worked with expressed how he wanted to get out but could not. In order to keep him and his family safe, he was stuck in a repetitive cycle of committing crimes where he felt like there was no way out.

Getting out of gangs can be a difficult process, it is a taboo subject to talk about in prisons. “[As a gang member] you don’t really say that you want to leave, it creates insecurity in the gang,” said Wikström. Word has a way of traveling to outside of prisons, which could put those who want to get out in danger.

In early 2006 Svensson was in and out of jail for a couple months before he served from June 2006 to 2009 for gang related crimes. While in prison, every two weeks a social worker would come to talk with Svensson. Through these visits he was connected with a therapist and others who believed that he would be able to leave his gang and re-enter society.

Svensson decided to leave Brotherhood Wolfpack when he was 31. He had a friend send the letter to ensure he would not back out of his decision, and so the gang would not be aware of his location in Stockholm.

“It takes a month before I get an answer. And under this month, my feeling was that I need to pay, maybe I get killed or maybe I need to do something for the gang, like kill somebody,” said Svensson.

Peter Svensson holding a shirt designed by Homeboy Industries. Photo credit: Natalie Rocha

Brotherhood Wolfpack responded to his request to leave with bribes to keep Svensson in the gang, but he refused and found comfort in his decision to leave a life of crime and start over in Stockholm.

“I’m nobody. It was a good feeling that nobody knows me, but I’m also very alone,” said Svensson, reflecting on his choice to leave what he considered a community.

Almgren mentioned that other reasons people want to leave gangs is because they are scared or they did not make as much money as they thought they would. The older you get the more likely it is that people might want to leave a gang.

Why is this happening?

“Because it’s so easy. We don’t have the proper legislation to deal with this… And I think we’ve gotten a little comfortable with being so safe,” said Wikström.

Sweden has ranked within the top four countries of Europe’s Crime Index since 2016, prior to that it was closer to the middle. The uptick in crime was unexpected. Almgren even says that he does not think the gangs themselves expected it.

Wikström has lived in Sweden her whole life, she remembers when she was younger even the sight of a police car was rare. When her mother was a child, there were only three murderers in Sweden.

“It’s common to have 12 shootings per week, at minimum… And Sweden is not a big country. We have 10 million people living here,” said Wikström.

Despite this there have been some improvements, such as the overcrowding in prisons due to more criminals being caught. Fryshuset itself does not fully focus on outreach towards young criminals. However, Svensson was a part of a program that branches off Fryshuset called EXIT.

EXIT focuses on those who are involved in radical groups or violent gangs, helping them leave.

Tomas Almgren talking to a co-worker at the reception desk at Fryshuset. Photo credit: Natalie Rocha

Interview with Tomas Almgren: Fryshuset and EXIT

12. December 2023Lindokuhle

Beyond the chalkboard: Danish education system challenges private school teachers.

More intervention and improvement needed within the working conditions of teachers from private and independent schools in Denmark as they are lacking in comparison to those in public schools.

Nicole Hauser at her office at Aarhus University. Image By: Lindo Mlombo.

By: Lindokuhle Mlombo.

Working conditions of teachers in Denmark seem to have various differences. Especially when comparing those from private and public schools as they range from having a huge gap between their salaries to having limited access of teaching resources.

They are all teachers doing the same kind of job however their working conditions are a little bit different from one another.

In a report conducted by world view on schooling in Denmark it is clearly indicated that there’s multiple options of education in the country. The country’s options for education are public, private, youth school and homeschool. Worldview is a public service program that equips k-12 and community college educators and resources to help in engaging with the interconnected and diverse world. It does multiple research projects around the world including research on education systems.

Within those schooling options in Denmark comes the issue of teachers having different working conditions even though they are practicing the same job. Especially those in private schools. Working conditions include salaries, work hours, treatment in the workspace, terms, and conditions of employment and access to work resources. They are the mental and physical conditions that employees are exposed to in their workspaces.

The different working conditions are indicated in the private and public schools. As teachers or lecturers from private schools face more difficulties compared to those in public schools. Despite them having the same job. Their salaries are not even on the same range and their accessibility to great teaching resources is not the same compared to those in public schools.

According to education GPS at least 76% of teachers in Denmark see the opportunity to influence and contribute to children’s development and society as a great motivation to continue in their profession. Regardless of their working conditions. Education GPS is part of the OECD (organisation for economic cooperation and development) a forum where governments of 37 democracies collaborate to develop policy standards and promote sustainable economic growth.

Trade Unions and FSL.

However, there are also organisation that are fighting for the greater course of teachers. That is trade unions. Just like the Frie Skolers Laererforening which is also known as FSL, which represent private and independent teachers.

Frie Skolers Laererforening (FSL) is a trade Union that represents teachers from private schools. Their name which is in Danish directly translates to Free schools Teachers Association. The union has been operating for 49 years and will be turning 50 in 2024.The trade union was formed after it was noted that teachers in private and independent schools had more struggles compared to those in public schools in terms of teaching conditions. This was noted during the time in which public and private schools were co-operating within the same trade unions. However, those in private hardly benefited from those unions and it was then decided that they should have one solely focused on teachers from private and independent schools.

Working conditions of private school teachers compared to those in Public.

Mikkel Hvid, Chief of communications at Frie Skolers Laererforening (FSL) standing inside their Buildings. Image by: Lindo Mlombo.

Mikkel Hvid who is the chief of communications at the private school teacher’s trade union also mentioned it.

“In most of the times as a trade union we are faced with the unfortunate challenges of having to constantly fights for better access to teaching resources for teachers in private schools” said Hvid. However, sometimes accessibility to resources is determined by the financial capacity of the school.

The European commission’s 2023 education and training monitor mentioned that the degree of municipal capabilities combined with the schools’ financial capacity contributes to the different kinds of working conditions in Schools and municipalities.

Teachers in Denmark often also work more hours compared to most countries. The 2023 education and training monitor by the EU indicated that normally Danish teachers work 38.9 hours which is slightly above the EU average of 37.5 working hours. Teachers in private school also face issues of hard workload which adds to the number of hours they work.

Their workload often exceeds the number of hours they should be working which also disturbs them in properly preparing for their lessons,” said Hvid. Meaning that they work more hours than they should be. With an intense workload at the same time.

Usually in public schools the workload can be a choice and they do have resources to help ease the work. While in private they are given the extra work, and they must obey the orders on their school leaders.

“Teachers have to be very loyal to their schools as each school has special ways and values in which they work by, and teachers must stick to them,” said Hvid. Meaning that teachers in private schools are too restricted by their agreement with the school.

Hvid also mentioned that “most of the teachers they represent are fired each year because of that reason”. For not showing loyalty to their schools. Hence, it is more difficult for them to have better working conditions as they are restricted and cannot fully make any demands. Besides through the help of trade unions.

Also, another major difference between public and private schools that has an influence on the working conditions of teachers is parents. They have more access to teachers in private schools and in public that is normally not the case.

“Many teachers feel that parents put a lot of pressure on them since it is a private school, and they pay a lot of money,” said Hvid. They frequently contact the teachers which pressures them and their comfort within their workspace.

This creates a huge gap between private and public schools even though they are doing the same job. Hence, the need of an independent trade Union such as FSL to close the gaps.

One of the major gaps between independent and public-school teachers is that of salaries. Mikkel mentioned that “private school teachers earn 10 000 to 20 000 Danish kroners less a year compared to public school teachers”. Which is one of the things that FSL is working towards making a change in.

Aarhus lecturer: public institution.

Nicole Hauser at the Aarhus University Offices. Image by: Lindo Mlombo.

Nicole Hauser from Switzerland an assistant lecturer at the Aarhus University also slightly stated the great working conditions that exist within public institutions. As she is currently working for one herself.

Hauser mentioned that her working conditions at the university have been good and fair ever since she started working there from June 2023.

She mentioned that she has even been assigned with a mentor who helps her navigate things around her work. Which is something that most private institutions do not normally do.

Nicole Hauser working in her office at the Kemmi building in Aarhus University. Image by: Lindo Mlombo.

“The University is very progressive in multiple ways,” said Hauser. They provide such things as teaching trainings for lecturers to help assist them in knowing how to navigate their lessons. Their working hours are also well balanced giving them enough room for the trainings.

“The university provides fair working hours with a good salary as well and time to rest as we receive six weeks of mandatory holidays,” said Hauser. She was simply stating that in her institutions she is able to balance out her work and time off.

She has also experienced bad working conditions before in her previous job as a lecture in the United States. Hence, she can recognise and explain the good space she has in her current institution.

Hauser mentioned that in her previous job as a lecturer before she came to Denmark, they would constantly have to fight for better working conditions. Multiple of her colleagues would even be forced to work unpaid hours. Hence, she is appreciative of her current job.

Improvements towards better working conditions.

When it comes to improving the working conditions of teachers in independent and private schools several things are being considered and are being done.

Organisations and trade unions like the FSL are constantly coming up with solutions. For example, they have a procedure that they do where they ask the members what needs to be improved, then they work towards it.

Through the help of their union representative, they are still trying make even more improvement on the salaries that teachers from private and independent schools are being paid. They are working on being paid on the same level as public school teachers if not more.

“We have around 71% teacher members in the union compared to public school trade unions where they have around 95% members,” said Hvid. Gaining more members that can be represented by a trade union is one of the solutions needed into achieving better working conditions.

A major issue that most private teachers’ trade union face is that they must make an agreement with each school. Whereas in public school it is done as a collective agreement for all schools. That is one of the issues they want to tackle before fair working conditions can be achieved. Having a once off meeting and agreement for all the private schools.

Also, in most cases, the agreements for better working conditions that are made with the private schools tend to be fair for all parties. However not all of them comply with the agreements. So, making sure that the schools stick to their agreements with the teachers and trade unions is one of the goals needed to be achieved.

Plans for the future.

According to the EU commissions’ Education and training monitor report of 2023 most teachers in Denmark are elderly people. The reason is that most young people are not interested in becoming teachers due to the working conditions and that needs to be changed.

The plan is that more young people should be encouraged into taking the career because they can be innovative and introduce better working conditions.

FSL also stated that they are working towards achieving the same salary as in public schools for their representees. Meaning that for future plans a high and stable salary is what is needed for private and independent schools.

More compliance and collaboration from different educational institutions and organizations could also help improve the working conditions.

Link to Video explainer: https://youtu.be/HoHhTQVclDA

12. December 2023Justin

Status law stirs up uncertainty in Hungary’s education system as teachers’ protests go unheeded

Teachers in Hungary are set to enjoy less rights and bear a heavier workload when the new status law comes into effect on 1 January 2024, according to Pedagógusok Szakszervezete (PSZ–SEH), a teachers’ union in Hungary.

President Tamás Totyik (right) and Vice president Tóth Tünde (left) of Pedagógusok Szakszervezete explain issues of the Hungarian education system at their office in Budapest, Hungary on 4/12/2023. (Justin Fung)

Justin Fung

Hungarian teachers nicknamed it the “revenge law”, as they have been going on strikes and protests over the years. Tamás Totyik, the president of the PSZ-SEH, said that protests started in 2010, but the government responded with the new law when it started to escalate.

“We call this the revenge law because it was prepared 2 years after the teachers’ demonstrations started.”

The Bill

With the implementation of the new status law, instead of addressing the issues of low salaries and a high workload, Totyik is concerned that it will further push away existing teachers, and make the industry look less attractive to new graduates.

The report “Teachers’ and school heads’ salaries and allowances in Europe 2021/2022” by Eurydice says that the teachers’ average actual salary level in Hungary, which is in strong correlation to gross domestic product per capita of a country, is below the GDP per capita at all levels of education.

“One of the biggest problems if we look at young teachers is the low salary. Approximately the average monthly salary for young teachers is around €1000. The main problem is that the average graduate salary among young people is about €1500. And it is the [gross] salary. The net salary of young teachers is approximately €660 right now,” Totyik said, while he ironically compares this to the average monthly rent for an apartment in Budapest, which sits at around €500.

Pedagógusok Demokratikus Szakszervezete (PDSZ) compiled a list of 53 changes that the new legislation brings and highlighted notable differences as teachers will no longer be employed as civil servants.

Further increase in burden

Originally, teachers work for 8 hours a day and 40 hours a week. However, the new law raises it to 12 hours a day and 48 hours a week maximum. Teachers also must work 60 hours for free in a school year, with certain working hours being unpaid. For example, if a teacher goes to a theatre with the class or if they go on a trip together, these cannot be paid hours. The academic year can also be extended for a minimum of 180 school days until 15 July to make up for missed school days which are compulsory.

In the event of a protest where substitutes are needed, teachers can now be redirected to another school for up to 9 months to teach without a need for mutual agreement.

Totyik adds that employers only pays for part of the travel fee if a teacher were to be reallocated. The travel fee is approximately Ft50 [€0.13]/km, but the employers only pay Ft13 [€0.034]/km.

Kindergarten teacher Laura Veres, 25, shares how the change adds more burden to the remaining teachers in the system.

“I think the government is not paying much attention to the education system. Teachers have lots of other works out of their working hours, like administration, preparing for the next day, because of the lack of teachers, more teachers have to replace classes, which are not their specialization, and so on. And these extra working hours are not paid at all. The young teachers work only for a few years then leave the path.

Electronic devices

Devices such as laptops and phones, either provided schools and personal ones, can be monitored by the employer. They will also be granted the right to check the social media accounts of teachers.

Loss of rights

Teachers can only go on strike for 50% of their teaching hours. So, they can’t go on strike for a full day. They have to teach at least 50% of their lessons on that day. Or if they are teaching in high schools and have a class with students in their final grade of high school, all the classes have to be held.

The government also created the National Teachers’ Chamber with board members mainly made up of school principals, which made teacher union mere figureheads as the government chooses to communicate with the chamber instead of unions, Totyik describes.

“We would say it’s an anti-employee law. It is to make it harder for teachers to continue the demonstrations.”

Repercussions

The controversial bill provoked an outcry, with 5000 teachers resigning before the deadline to declare resignation on 31 September this year, according to PSZ-SEH.

“Altogether in our education system, in kindergartens, elementary and high schools, there are 146000 teachers. but there should be 170000 teachers”, said Totyik, who is pessimistic about the supply of teachers in the future.

“This year, only 800 young teachers started to teach after they got their degree. 10 years ago, the number of young students who would like to be teachers was 50000. Nowadays, this number is only around 6500. So those who applied for university to become teachers, only every fifth of them stayed in the education system for two years to get their teacher’s degree.”

About 10000 active teachers are those who came out of retirement. In the next 5 years, approximately more than 22000 teachers will be retiring. The average age of teachers has also risen to 53 years old.

“We can’t count on them in the long term. Now the education system is at the edge of its capabilities,” Totyik said.

Mónika Dénes, 38, a teacher of Hungarian, English language and literature, shares a similar view.

“The prestige of the profession has also decreased as everyone with less qualification earns much more than teachers. There are hardly any young people who want to be teachers, and there is a lack of teachers in every area of the country. The school buildings are also in horrible conditions, accidents quite frequently occur, once or twice the ceiling fell off, or when it rains, water pours down from the ceiling. However, the government denies and does not want to deal with the problems.”

The future

On 4 December, interior minister Sándor Pinté said at his annual hearing, before the parliament’s culture committee that a 10% pay raise is definitely in the pipeline, yet not everyone’s salary will be added and it will be performance based.

This is unlikely to be enough to close the gap between the difference in pay between teachers in Hungary and those in other European countries, as vice president of PSZ-SEH Tóth Tünde states that the inflation rate in Hungary of 2023 will be at 17.2% year-over-year according to the European Commission.

“Teachers now are very disappointed as there were demonstrations, but the salary stayed the same. But there is a ray of hope. The entrepreneurs within our economic system realized that these protests will not be good for a long period of time,” Totyik said.

The crippling of the education system could undermine the manufacturing sector which is the biggest contributor of Hungary’s GDP as indicated by the Hungarian Central Statistics Office. Totyik mentioned that in a latest domestic test similar to the PISA test, which is a worldwide study by OECD to evaluate education systems, approximately 40% of Hungarian students cannot understand the text that they are reading. Entrepreneurs and big corporations warned the government that as a result of these bad test results, there will not be enough qualified employees in Hungary.

“For example, the big car manufacturers like Mercedes, Audi etc. These corporations said if the government won’t solve the problem of the education system, they will move their plants to other countries, for example Ukraine,” Totyik added.

Yet teachers like Dénes find it hard to be optimistic, as protests yielded little to no changes.

“Of course, I went to demonstrations, went on strike and committed civil disobedience. There is no communication between the government (the ministry of internal affairs) and teachers or representatives of teachers. If the government started to listen to us teachers, we could be able to discuss and solve at least some of the most severe problems. However, real and effective teaching is becoming more and more unimportant.”

Although earning a salary much better than what state-run schools offer at a private school, Veres sympathises with the uncertainties that teachers at public schools will have to face.

“I wish the government would pay as much attention [to] education as football. The educational system is dying right now, and if there won’t be enough [teachers], then there won’t be education.”

“I am a mother of 3 children, and I do not know who will teach them,” Dénes added.

12. December 2023Justin

“It is a way of putting pressure on the Ukrainian government”

Will the Hungarian Prime Minister Orbán use his veto power at the upcoming EU
summit? That is the question now. At the EU summit, which will take place in Brussels
from the 13th of December until the 15th , all 27 member states will decide anonymously
whether Ukraine will be admitted to the European Union. However, the operations are
not yet running seamlessly.

Hungarian and the European Union flag.
Credits: Justin Fung

At the last EU-summit and multiple occasions after, Orbán said that he is going to use his veto-right to prevent Ukraine from joining the EU. According to him and his government, the rights of the Hungarian minority in Ukraine are being violated. That minority has been living there for more than a century since Hungary had to cede territory to neighbouring countries after the First World War.

History

To understand the story better, it is important to look at the history and relationships between the three parties: Hungary, Ukraine, and the European Union. László Marácz, is at the moment a Hungarian-Dutch professor at the University of Amsterdam, specialized in Eastern Europe Studies. His parents left Hungary in 1956 because of the Hungarian Uprising.

“Hungary had a very soft implosion of the communist system by the end of the 80s. Also, large parts of the Communist Party were convinced that the road towards communism was not feasible. At the end of the 90s all the countries in Central and Eastern Europe started to start to develop and Hungary remained behind. This was very frustrating for a lot of people who had hoped that there would be changes in Hungary,”

While taking a sip of his coffee, he continues, “So because people wanted to have real changes and progress, I think a lot of people voted for the Fidesz party and Viktor Orbán in 2010. From that moment, they almost won four times in a row, more than two thirds of the seats in the Hungarian parliament. And that means that they could dictate politics.”

Anti-EU

In 2004, Hungary and other countries of Central and Eastern Europe, became members of the European Union.

“Actually, it was Mr. Orban’s own push because he was Prime Minister from 1998 until 2000 the first time. And that was the period when the joining of the Union was prepared,” Marácz said.

Nowadays Viktor Orbán is often showed as anti-EU through media outlets: “Hungary’s Viktor Orbán launches new anti-EU campaign”, Deutsche Welle, “Hungary’s Orban ramps up anti-EU rhetoric amid row over frozen funds”, France24, “Ukraine’s Hungarians in spotlight as Orbán threatens to block EU accession”, The Guardian. But would Hungary or Orbán really leave?

He continues, “They would never do it. There is still a large support for European issues. What changed is that some Hungarians have taken a different political stance. If you look at the 20^th century, Hungary has always been a following the mainstream of politics in Central Europe. Nowadays, they sometimes say no. And that is new. They have learned by saying no, you can very effectively negotiate. And on the other side though, it is good for the European Union to have one or two countries that have opposition.”

Teun Janssen, an expert at the Dutch International Relations Institute Clingendael who specialises in Eastern and Central Europe, agrees. “He [Orbán] talks about the EU if it is a new Soviet Union. This is another empire that is trying to take our rights. I think he is using his veto-right because it is easy to say ‘oh look at Ukraine: they are oppressing a great minority,’ but in the background, he will always say something different.”

Minority in Ukraine

According to Orbán and his government, the reasons for using the veto-right against Ukraine, is because of the Hungarian minority that lives in Ukraine. The Ukrainian government does not guarantee Hungarian-language education to its Hungarian speaking population of about 150,000.

“It is true that they have a hard time in Ukraine. They cannot use their own language for educational reasons. The Hungarian foreign policy is very strict on this issue because in the European Union, we have minority human rights that should be respected by countries,” Marácz said.

Hungarian citizens

“I am not sure how good idea it is for Ukraine to join the EU right now,” said Anna Halász, a 23-year old girl from Budapest. While explaining the story in a café, Anna continues, “Even though I am supporting Ukraine 100% and I think they would also have the right to join the EU, I think that some negotiation needs to be taken regarding the change of the country. I do not support Orbán’s veto-right, I think he should support Ukraine joining the EU, although with some kind of conditions.”

Márk, a 25-year old man from Western Transdanubia, a region in western Hungary, says the following:

“It is a bit complex and I do not know where it would escalate. And I would not say it is okay that he [Orbán] is having the veto-right. But Hungary tends to be a country that always threatens the EU with a veto-right.”

“I think Ukraine should have joined the EU ten years ago, when it was only a problem with their prime minister and people were making riots on the street. It is still a matter of question, why only now would they let Ukraine join, why not earlier? So, I believe now, that the act of making Ukraine a member, would be purely political initiative and that would be a clear indication for a no to let it happen. Otherwise, if the war would just stop tomorrow or Russia and Ukraine would agree on a temporary peace period, it would make sense to let Ukraine become a member of the EU. So in that case it would be a big yes,” Márk said.

Future

The main question still remains if Orbán really is going to use his veto-right on the upcoming summit. Marácz nods his head while answering, “Yes, it is possible. He is using the same negotiation tactic, by threating them. His government has used their veto-right several times before in NATO meetings, especially with meetings about Ukraine.”

But what will happen if he is using his veto-right?

“Well, there are, of course, tensions at the moment. We need to be very precise because Hungary is not delivering weapons to Ukraine. And the argumentation is that if you want to stop the war, you don’t need to send weapons. But help people, offer humanitarian help and support to Ukraine. And another reason, is that some countries in the EU are sceptical about Ukraine becoming a member. Like France, for example. They ‘hide’ behind Hungary, because then they do not have to openly express what they think.”

“But personally, I cannot imagine Ukraine could be a member state within the near future. There are so many complicated factors.”

*Márk’s full name is known by the editors. He did not feel safe to share his whole name.

12. December 2023Romana

Nové Heřminovy battles to avoid the fate of Karlovec

An event that remains in the memory of the Czech public even after decades. In Nové Heřminovy there is a fight against the construction of the water reservoir, meanwhile, the citizens of Karlovec still bear the consequences of a similar event. Supported by a newly planned reservoir in the same region a new wave of emotion comes to the surface. Prompting a discussion on the price of an alleged progress.

The church of St. John of Nepomuk on the banks of Slezská Harta, 26.12.2023, Romana Ronja Ptáčková

By Romana Ronja Ptáčková

The fate of the Czech village Karlovec lying on the confluence of the Černý potok and Moravice was decided when it was chosen for a planned water reservoir Slezská Harta. The construction planning started in the 1960s in response to rising water demands from industries and residents in Silesia and Moravia and it would result in flooding Karlovec. In the days of the hard-ruling communist regime in the Czech Republic, the notion of protesting was not widely considered.

“We did not like it much, but what could we do? One must have to hold his mouth shut – as they say. It was not like now, that people could protest,”

says Marta Zlámalova who grew up in the village.

The former residents of Karlovec observe the situation echoing in yet another Moravian village and polemize about what could happen if circumstances were different back then. Jiří Doležel is one of them.

“I sympathize with the people of Nové Heřminovy. At this time, it is possible to speak against something and win. I wish they didn’t need to go through the same things we did.”

For years, the residents of Karlovec endured the looming threat of the dam, yet the idea that they would one day be forced to abandon their homes remained an unimaginable prospect. When the day finally came many bore it with sorrow and the fear of an uncertain future. Zdeněk Hublík, whose whole family lived in the village remembers the day well.

“My parents got into debt so they could buy a house in 1948. When they were told that the dam would be built, and they would need to move out it was the biggest trauma in their lives. They were a certain age at that time, and it was a struggle for them to acclimate to a new place. They never got used to their new house. I remember when the moving truck came and took my parents with their dog and cat away. That was the hardest of times.”

he confides emotionally.

Inadequate compensation

The residents were relocated to apartments in the town of Bruntál and provided with financial compensation; however, many found the compensation to be inadequate. Having lost their family homes and plots of land, the amount they received fell far short of enabling them to acquire new properties. Hublík recalls the real estate valuation process as notably ambiguous and unjust, noting that one evaluator revealed they were instructed to propose the lowest amounts in order to cut costs. In the process of dam construction, this is not unusual.

„Cash compensation is a principal vehicle for delivering resettlement benefits, but it is often delayed and, even when paid on time, usually fails to replace lost livelihoods “

states the World Commission of Dams in its 2000 study focusing on human rights when it comes to dam construction.

That is the case of the Slezská Harta water reservoir as well as many other affected places around the globe.

Sacrifice in the name of progress?

While Slezská Harta brings numerous benefits concerning the drinking water supplies and the economic growth of the region. Previously, the adverse consequences of dam construction were often underestimated and inadequately addressed.

“Historically, the negative impacts of dams have been underestimated and the values of free-flowing rivers – rivers whose flow and connectivity are largely unaffected by human-made changes, have been underappreciated. Today, free-flowing rivers are needed more than ever to reverse nature loss, sustain groundwater recharge and deltas, and help humans adapt to climate change, “explained Claire Baffert, senior water Policy Officer at WWF.

In the contemporary landscape, securing construction approval has become a notably challenging process.

“It’s not the 1950s anymore, it’s become a little more difficult for the dam builders, because today they have to look for other reasons for construction and challenge counterarguments, which, as the European Union has shown, they don’t quite manage,”

communicates an environmental activist and s representative of the movement Duha Jeseníky Ivo Dokoupil.

He addresses the EU Biodiversity Strategy and its initiative to preserve natural waterways.

Baffert from WWF described it as a comprehensive long-term plan to protect nature and reverse the degradation of ecosystems that acknowledges the need to accelerate efforts to restore freshwater ecosystems.

The residents of Karlovec accepted their fate

In the year 1997, the construction of the dam was completed, and the Moravian-Silesian Region could welcome its new reservoir. All that remained of the village Karlovec was the Church of St. John of Nepomuk and the adjacent cemetery, where many of the village’s residents had their relatives buried. Despite the lingering grief over their displaced homes, the residents view the dam with optimism, acknowledging and cherishing its aesthetic allure. It is still a home, after all. Zdeněk Hublík is one of those who like to come back.

„We are so very glad to remember Karlovec and we do it almost every day, even though it has been 30 years since we left. Every time me and my family drive along the water, we look at the surface, try to see the bottom, and reminisce about who lived where. We will remember till the day we die – as they say. “

The fate of Nové Heřminovy remains uncertain. Only time will tell if the unwavering efforts of its residents can prevent tracing Karlovec’s path.